President Obama met this week
with the National Governors Association to discuss, among other things, the
impending federal spending cuts and the expansion of existing Medicaid plans
that are phasing in this year as part of the Affordable Care Act. State governors are particularly interested in
these topics because they could have such a significant effect on state
budgets: Medicaid, which is largely funded through Federal reimbursement,
still makes up approximately 9% of total state spending. The governors are concerned that the Federal
government, as part of its goal to reduce the deficit, might find it convenient
to push more of the funding responsibility for Medicaid onto the states
themselves. The governors warn that the
recent economic downturn has severely weakened state and local fiscal standing,
and that any increased burdens from a spending program as large as Medicaid
would send them over the edge. Well,
what if there was an even larger spending program that was devouring a quarter
of state tax revenue and producing no measurable economic benefits?
Public k-12 education is often
put forward as a fundamentally sound economic investment and we are constantly
told of how lack of education funding is leaving our children behind their
global contemporaries. However, more and
more data is piling up to make us question this long held belief that public
education is actually a good economic investment. Let me first stay that I am huge proponent of
education for our youth and that not only did I attend public school my entire
life, but my mother was also a teacher in a public school for 15 years. I make that qualifier because public
education is an incredibly sensitive topic in American political discussion and
it is not my intention to provoke an ideological debate, but rather to illuminate some
alarming trends in the fundamental tenant of public education: that a well
educated population is a more productive population and, therefore, public
spending on education is a sound economic investment.
There are two alarming trends in
public education today: 1) the annual cost of public education per student is
rising rapidly; and 2) the median income for an American household is
declining rapidly. Those two trends do
not bode well for the economic value of public education spending. In order to get a more detailed understanding,
let’s look at the data:
The figure above plots the real
(inflation adjusted) cost of education versus median household income each
displayed as a percentage of the year 2000 figure. There are two key takeaways from this chart:
1) beginning in 1993, America began investing more heavily in public education,
but median income increased proportionally to support the increased investment;
and 2) starting in 2000, median income began declining but public education
investments continued to increase, defying all economic fundamentals. The reality of the situation is startling: in 2011,
Americans earned the same income as they did in 1990 but received 33%
more in educational spending. That is $36,000
more spent per student with no measurable increase in economic productivity. And that is only at the K-12 level: more
Americans than ever are also attending higher education institutions with
tuition rates at all-time highs. Let me
stress that point: the cost data above only included k-12 and not higher
education, while the income data includes the economic benefits from both high
school graduates and college degree holding graduates. Plus, we are comparing individual education expense to household income when the average household has more than one adult. And the economics still look bad! That sounds like trouble, but is public education
really a bad investment?
To answer this question, I have
put together a pretty simple analysis. My methodology is as follows: for each student
“vintage,” I have assumed that they go through a 13 year (k-12) schooling
period followed immediately by a 35 year working career (implies a retirement
age of ~55). For every student, I assume
that all 13 years of education cost the same amount and that the student’s earnings
are equal for each of the 35 years of their career. In each year, I assume that the public
recoups a 15% income tax on all income, which is roughly in line with the
expected effective tax rate for a middle income American. Notably, I assume that this entire tax revenue is dedicated to recouping investment in public education and no other government functions. Finally, in order to account for the time
value of money, I discount each payment at a rate of 3.5%, which is selected to
reflect the target real GDP growth in the USA (and globally). Let me take 1990 vintage for example:
education cost for the 1990 vintage student was $8,509 annually or $110,621 for
all years k-12. Using a 3.5% discount
rate, the cost of the 1990 vintage’s k-12 education at the time of graduation would be $137,111.
The median income for a person in 1990 was $49,950, so tax revenues each
year would be $7,493 or $262,238 over the 35 year working career. Using a 3.5% discount rate, the value of that
tax revenue at the time of graduation would be $149,855, which compares
favorably to the cost of education of $137,111.
This would imply a positive investment outcome for the public, all else being
equal. Here is how that same calculation
has evolved over the past 20 years:
A key takeaway here is that the
investment opportunity turned negative for the public starting roughly in
2002. That isn’t overly surprising
considering we already knew that income growth stalled in 2000 while costs
continued to surge, but the magnitude of the losses are pretty staggering: by
2010, the public is losing almost 25% of its investment. Or put another way, in order to make public
education a defensible investment on the same terms as it was in 1990, we would need to reduce
the amount we spend on education by 25% back to its 1990 levels.
One final note on this topic is
the choice of a 3.5% discount rate. The
discount rate is enormously important in determining whether or not public
education (or any government spending, for that matter) is a viable
investment. Many people, particularly
congressmen, would argue that we should use the Treasury rate (the rate at
which the US government can borrow money) in determining the discount rate for
financial decisions such as this. This
view is incorrect in today's global capital markets: we can use the Treasury rate as a proxy for the expected real GDP growth, but not as a fundamental replacement. In today’s free global capital
markets, resources will almost always flow to where they can be most
productively put to use. Resources, in
this sense, constitute anything with economic value: monetary savings,
commodity goods like coal and oil, as well as human capital in the form of
immigration (the most constrained resource in today’s market). That means that everyone looking to utilize
capital (borrowing money, for instance) is governed by the same global cost of
capital. That cost of capital is the
expected real (inflation adjusted) growth of global GDP. Thus, when determining whether an investment
is viable or not, we need to be assuming that our cost of capital is the same
as our global competitors because that’s how global investors will view
it. This is true whether you are an
individual business owner, a corporate CEO or the United States Treasury. So, in a world where developing economies are
growing at rates in excess of 7.0% annually and Germany has consistently
delivered growth above 3.5% annual, we cannot be assuming that America will be
able to borrow at 2.0% interest forever.
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